20th CPC National Congress to set China's main tasks in next 5 years

The 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), scheduled for the second half of this year, will look ahead to China's two-stage development plan toward the middle of the 21st century and outline strategic tasks in the next five years in particular.To get more news about when is china's 20th party congress, you can visit shine news official website.

Chinese President Xi Jinping, also general secretary of the CPC Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, made the remarks at a workshop for provincial and ministerial officials, held from Tuesday to Wednesday in Beijing in preparation for the key Party congress.

The CPC drew up a two-stage development plan for the period from 2020 to the middle of this century at its 19th National Congress in October 2017. According to the plan, socialist modernization will be basically realized in China by 2035, and China will be developed into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious and beautiful by the middle of the century.
Xi said the 20th CPC National Congress will be a very important event taking place at a crucial moment, with China embarking on a new journey to fully build a modern socialist country. He called for efforts to advance the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and write a "brand new chapter" of fully building a modern socialist country.

The 20th CPC National Congress will make arrangements on strategic tasks for the country and important measures to be taken in the next five years, he said, adding that the period is crucial for achieving the Party's second centenary goal.More efforts should be made to solve problems in terms of "unbalanced and inadequate development" in the next five years, he said.

The CPC has set two centenary goals: The first was to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects by 2021 when the CPC celebrated its centenary, and the second is to build China into a great modern socialist country in all respects by the middle of the century to celebrate the centenary of the People's Republic of China.

The world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century, which have been accelerating, Xi said, stressing that China faces risks and challenges more complex than before.The rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is not an easy task, he said, calling for more strenuous efforts to achieve the goal.

He also stressed that there is no fixed model for modernization in the world, and underscored the CPC's leadership in China's socialist modernization drive.

On the journey ahead, the Party must adhere to its fundamental aim of serving the people heart and soul and always maintain close ties with the people, he said.
Xi reviewed China's development since the 19th CPC National Congress, hailing the past five years as "extraordinary." The Party has united and led the Chinese people to effectively address the "severe and complex" international situation and "huge risks and challenges" coming one after another, he said.

China has striven to advance the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects, promote high-quality development, deepen reforms in a rapid and steady manner, and fight poverty, he said.China had declared a victory in eradicating absolute poverty nationwide by the end of 2020. It had also announced the completion of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects.

During the past five years, China has made great efforts to boost ecological civilization, resolutely safeguard national security, modernize national defense and the military, and advance the major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, Xi said.

China has followed a people-first approach in the fight against COVID-19 and made maximum efforts to protect people's lives and health, he said. China has achieved the best outcome worldwide in coordinating economic development and epidemic prevention and control, he added.

8 Books to Read Ahead of China’s 20th Party Congress

Sure, people are off work until Friday—and then working a seven-day week afterward. But with the zero-COVID regime in full swing, it’s rare for people to take vacations; they aren’t even going to the cinema. It also doesn’t help that China is facing another record-breaking heat wave. And for Chinese officials, the run-up to the historic 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is not the time to take a break from politicking.To get more news about the 20th CPC national congress, you can visit shine news official website.

However, China Brief is taking a break from regular programming to help readers prepare for the Party Congress, which begins on Oct. 16. Chinese politics can be difficult for outsiders to grasp, in part because it’s so opaque. At the highest levels, the CCP’s inner circle resembles a cross between Leninist bureaucracy, a pre-modern royal court, and a mafia family.

With that in mind, below are eight books that provide a better understanding of what might be happening in the run-up to the Party Congress next week—and what the fallout might look like.Studying Soviet governance is invaluable for understanding Chinese governance. In its early years, the People’s Republic of China often imported the Soviet system and policies wholesale. For example, one can’t understand the Chinese government’s obsession with quotas and—mostly fake—statistical evaluations without examining the mix of Stalinism and Taylorism it inherited from the Soviet Union.

Yuri Slezkine’s The House of Government is about the so-called house on the embankment, the Russian building constructed to house the Stalinist leadership, and the mixture of intellectual ambition and personal grudges that drove the first decades of Soviet government. That clannishness also applies in China: Chinese President Xi Jinping is the son of a founding revolutionary and grew up alongside many of the people he works with.

One thing that comes across strongly in Slezkine’s book is the physical proximity in which the Soviet leadership lived; they were literally neighbors. That is still the case with the Chinese leadership; they all have access to opulent homes elsewhere, but the demands of power mean that much of their day-to-day life is spent in Zhongnanhai, the former palace complex in the heart of Beijing.

Zhongnanhai is fancy, but it isn’t that nice—and it’s crowded. But as with former Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, getting facetime with the man at the top is critical for the Chinese leadership, which means living as close to him as they can.
It’s nearly 30 years old, but Mayfair Mei-hui Yang’s study of how guanxi—a slippery term usually translated as “pull” or “influence”—works in ordinary Chinese life remains vital. Yang shows how the demands and restrictions of a non-market economy created constant favor-trading, where enterprising individuals made shallow social contacts to access premium goods, whether a private car ride or the use of a telephone.

Guanxi shaped an atmosphere in which purely personal friendships were difficult to sustain and even commercial relationships needed a social gloss. Although the material conditions of Chinese life have changed radically since Yang’s fieldwork in the 1980s, the attitudes she describes persist in the generation who grew up then—including China’s 60-something leadership.
Likewise, Richard McGregor’s decade-old book on the CCP remains the best single introduction to the party’s history and operations and the internal dynamics of its leadership. The dynamics within the party have changed as a result of Xi’s rise, and the business elites whom McGregor shows being drawn into the CCP’s structures have become much weaker (something that McGregor covers in his short follow-up book, Xi Jinping: The Backlash).

Minxin Pei’s 2016 study of crony capitalism shows how the dynamics of kleptocracy in China work, with state-owned assets essentially divvied up among the powerful. Xi’s rule started with an attempt to rein in corruption, but that involved replacing existing interests with those of his allies. Money is often at the core of Chinese political battles, which tend to focus on who gets to run what—whether it’s skimming off the tobacco industry or control of property empires.

Most Chinese officials work for provincial governments rather than the relatively small central government. But party power remains entrenched—both key to and somewhat separate from the state. Provincial interests thus play a big role in Chinese politics, even for projects conceived by the central government, such as the much-lauded high-speed railway project. Fights over the project—and the corruption involved—became so intense that it eventually resulted in the dissolution of China’s once-powerful Ministry of Railways.

Xiao Ma’s recent book Localized Bargaining uses the high-speed railway project to examine the complicated interplay of bureaucratic power, officials’ personal ambitions, Leninist planning, public protest, and the desires of the central government. I found his descriptions of elaborate hierarchies exceptionally useful, especially how the same officials often hold posts concurrently across different levels of power.